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Gold and Economic Freedom

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发表于 2008-12-20 22:52:51 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
by Alan Greenspan
      
       [written in 1966]
      
       This article originally appeared in a newsletter: The Objectivist published in 1966 and was reprinted in Ayn Rand's Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal
      
       An almost hysterical antagonism toward the gold standard is one issue which unites statists of all persuasions. They seem to sense - perhaps more clearly and subtly than many consistent defenders of laissez-faire - that gold and economic freedom are inseparable, that the gold standard is an instrument of laissez-faire and that each implies and requires the other.
      
       In order to understand the source of their antagonism, it is necessary first to understand the specific role of gold in a free society.
      
       Money is the common denominator of all economic transactions. It is that commodity which serves as a medium of exchange, is universally acceptable to all participants in an exchange economy as payment for their goods or services, and can, therefore, be used as a standard of market value and as a store of value, i.e., as a means of saving.
      
       The existence of such a commodity is a precondition of a division of labor economy. If men did not have some commodity of objective value which was generally acceptable as money, they would have to resort to primitive barter or be forced to live on self-sufficient farms and forgo the inestimable advantages of specialization. If men had no means to store value, i.e., to save, neither long-range planning nor exchange would be possible.
      
       What medium of exchange will be acceptable to all participants in an economy is not determined arbitrarily. First, the medium of exchange should be durable. In a primitive society of meager wealth, wheat might be sufficiently durable to serve as a medium, since all exchanges would occur only during and immediately after the harvest, leaving no value-surplus to store. But where store-of-value considerations are important, as they are in richer, more civilized societies, the medium of exchange must be a durable commodity, usually a metal. A metal is generally chosen because it is homogeneous and divisible: every unit is the same as every other and it can be blended or formed in any quantity. Precious jewels, for example, are neither homogeneous nor divisible. More important, the commodity chosen as a medium must be a luxury. Human desires for luxuries are unlimited and, therefore, luxury goods are always in demand and will always be acceptable. Wheat is a luxury in underfed civilizations, but not in a prosperous society. Cigarettes ordinarily would not serve as money, but they did in post-World War II Europe where they were considered a luxury. The term "luxury good" implies scarcity and high unit value. Having a high unit value, such a good is easily portable; for instance, an ounce of gold is worth a half-ton of pig iron.
      
       In the early stages of a developing money economy, several media of exchange might be used, since a wide variety of commodities would fulfill the foregoing conditions. However, one of the commodities will gradually displace all others, by being more widely acceptable. Preferences on what to hold as a store of value, will shift to the most widely acceptable commodity, which, in turn, will make it still more acceptable. The shift is progressive until that commodity becomes the sole medium of exchange. The use of a single medium is highly advantageous for the same reasons that a money economy is superior to a barter economy: it makes exchanges possible on an incalculably wider scale.
      
       Whether the single medium is gold, silver, seashells, cattle, or tobacco is optional, depending on the context and development of a given economy. In fact, all have been employed, at various times, as media of exchange. Even in the present century, two major commodities, gold and silver, have been used as international media of exchange, with gold becoming the predominant one. Gold, having both artistic and functional uses and being relatively scarce, has significant advantages over all other media of exchange. Since the beginning of World War I, it has been virtually the sole international standard of exchange. If all goods and services were to be paid for in gold, large payments would be difficult to execute and this would tend to limit the extent of a society's divisions of labor and specialization. Thus a logical extension of the creation of a medium of exchange is the development of a banking system and credit instruments (bank notes and deposits) which act as a substitute for, but are convertible into, gold.
      
       A free banking system based on gold is able to extend credit and thus to create bank notes (currency) and deposits, according to the production requirements of the economy. Individual owners of gold are induced, by payments of interest, to deposit their gold in a bank (against which they can draw checks). But since it is rarely the case that all depositors want to withdraw all their gold at the same time, the banker need keep only a fraction of his total deposits in gold as reserves. This enables the banker to loan out more than the amount of his gold deposits (which means that he holds claims to gold rather than gold as security of his deposits). But the amount of loans which he can afford to make is not arbitrary: he has to gauge it in relation to his reserves and to the status of his investments.
      
       When banks loan money to finance productive and profitable endeavors, the loans are paid off rapidly and bank credit continues to be generally available. But when the business ventures financed by bank credit are less profitable and slow to pay off, bankers soon find that their loans outstanding are excessive relative to their gold reserves, and they begin to curtail new lending, usually by charging higher interest rates. This tends to restrict the financing of new ventures and requires the existing borrowers to improve their profitability before they can obtain credit for further expansion. Thus, under the gold standard, a free banking system stands as the protector of an economy's stability and balanced growth. When gold is accepted as the medium of exchange by most or all nations, an unhampered free international gold standard serves to foster a world-wide division of labor and the broadest international trade. Even though the units of exchange (the dollar, the pound, the franc, etc.) differ from country to country, when all are defined in terms of gold the economies of the different countries act as one-so long as there are no restraints on trade or on the movement of capital. Credit, interest rates, and prices tend to follow similar patterns in all countries. For example, if banks in one country extend credit too liberally, interest rates in that country will tend to fall, inducing depositors to shift their gold to higher-interest paying banks in other countries. This will immediately cause a shortage of bank reserves in the "easy money" country, inducing tighter credit standards and a return to competitively higher interest rates again.
      
       A fully free banking system and fully consistent gold standard have not as yet been achieved. But prior to World War I, the banking system in the United States (and in most of the world) was based on gold and even though governments intervened occasionally, banking was more free than controlled. Periodically, as a result of overly rapid credit expansion, banks became loaned up to the limit of their gold reserves, interest rates rose sharply, new credit was cut off, and the economy went into a sharp, but short-lived recession. (Compared with the depressions of 1920 and 1932, the pre-World War I business declines were mild indeed.) It was limited gold reserves that stopped the unbalanced expansions of business activity, before they could develop into the post-World Was I type of disaster. The readjustment periods were short and the economies quickly reestablished a sound basis to resume expansion.
      
       But the process of cure was misdiagnosed as the disease: if shortage of bank reserves was causing a business decline-argued economic interventionists-why not find a way of supplying increased reserves to the banks so they never need be short! If banks can continue to loan money indefinitely-it was claimed-there need never be any slumps in business. And so the Federal Reserve System was organized in 1913. It consisted of twelve regional Federal Reserve banks nominally owned by private bankers, but in fact government sponsored, controlled, and supported. Credit extended by these banks is in practice (though not legally) backed by the taxing power of the federal government. Technically, we remained on the gold standard; individuals were still free to own gold, and gold continued to be used as bank reserves. But now, in addition to gold, credit extended by the Federal Reserve banks ("paper reserves") could serve as legal tender to pay depositors.
      
       When business in the United States underwent a mild contraction in 1927, the Federal Reserve created more paper reserves in the hope of forestalling any possible bank reserve shortage. More disastrous, however, was the Federal Reserve's attempt to assist Great Britain who had been losing gold to us because the Bank of England refused to allow interest rates to rise when market forces dictated (it was politically unpalatable). The reasoning of the authorities involved was as follows: if the Federal Reserve pumped excessive paper reserves into American banks, interest rates in the United States would fall to a level comparable with those in Great Britain; this would act to stop Britain's gold loss and avoid the political embarrassment of having to raise interest rates. The "Fed" succeeded; it stopped the gold loss, but it nearly destroyed the economies of the world, in the process. The excess credit which the Fed pumped into the economy spilled over into the stock market-triggering a fantastic speculative boom. Belatedly, Federal Reserve officials attempted to sop up the excess reserves and finally succeeded in braking the boom. But it was too late: by 1929 the speculative imbalances had become so overwhelming that the attempt precipitated a sharp retrenching and a consequent demoralizing of business confidence. As a result, the American economy collapsed. Great Britain fared even worse, and rather than absorb the full consequences of her previous folly, she abandoned the gold standard completely in 1931, tearing asunder what remained of the fabric of confidence and inducing a world-wide series of bank failures. The world economies plunged into the Great Depression of the 1930's.
      
       With a logic reminiscent of a generation earlier, statists argued that the gold standard was largely to blame for the credit debacle which led to the Great Depression. If the gold standard had not existed, they argued, Britain's abandonment of gold payments in 1931 would not have caused the failure of banks all over the world. (The irony was that since 1913, we had been, not on a gold standard, but on what may be termed "a mixed gold standard"; yet it is gold that took the blame.) But the opposition to the gold standard in any form-from a growing number of welfare-state advocates-was prompted by a much subtler insight: the realization that the gold standard is incompatible with chronic deficit spending (the hallmark of the welfare state). Stripped of its academic jargon, the welfare state is nothing more than a mechanism by which governments confiscate the wealth of the productive members of a society to support a wide variety of welfare schemes. A substantial part of the confiscation is effected by taxation. But the welfare statists were quick to recognize that if they wished to retain political power, the amount of taxation had to be limited and they had to resort to programs of massive deficit spending, i.e., they had to borrow money, by issuing government bonds, to finance welfare expenditures on a large scale.
      
       Under a gold standard, the amount of credit that an economy can support is determined by the economy's tangible assets, since every credit instrument is ultimately a claim on some tangible asset. But government bonds are not backed by tangible wealth, only by the government's promise to pay out of future tax revenues, and cannot easily be absorbed by the financial markets. A large volume of new government bonds can be sold to the public only at progressively higher interest rates. Thus, government deficit spending under a gold standard is severely limited. The abandonment of the gold standard made it possible for the welfare statists to use the banking system as a means to an unlimited expansion of credit. They have created paper reserves in the form of government bonds which-through a complex series of steps-the banks accept in place of tangible assets and treat as if they were an actual deposit, i.e., as the equivalent of what was formerly a deposit of gold. The holder of a government bond or of a bank deposit created by paper reserves believes that he has a valid claim on a real asset. But the fact is that there are now more claims outstanding than real assets. The law of supply and demand is not to be conned. As the supply of money (of claims) increases relative to the supply of tangible assets in the economy, prices must eventually rise. Thus the earnings saved by the productive members of the society lose value in terms of goods. When the economy's books are finally balanced, one finds that this loss in value represents the goods purchased by the government for welfare or other purposes with the money proceeds of the government bonds financed by bank credit expansion.
      
       In the absence of the gold standard, there is no way to protect savings from confiscation through inflation. There is no safe store of value. If there were, the government would have to make its holding illegal, as was done in the case of gold. If everyone decided, for example, to convert all his bank deposits to silver or copper or any other good, and thereafter declined to accept checks as payment for goods, bank deposits would lose their purchasing power and government-created bank credit would be worthless as a claim on goods. The financial policy of the welfare state requires that there be no way for the owners of wealth to protect themselves.
      
       This is the shabby secret of the welfare statists' tirades against gold. Deficit spending is simply a scheme for the confiscation of wealth. Gold stands in the way of this insidious process. It stands as a protector of property rights. If one grasps this, one has no difficulty in understanding the statists' antagonism toward the gold standard.
      
       Alan Greenspan
       [written in 1966]
发表于 2016-11-4 09:22:24 | 显示全部楼层
黄金和经济自由(译文)格林斯潘

对于不同类型的持中央计划经济观点的人而言,有一种论点能把他们联合起来,那就是对金本位的近乎歇斯底里的敌意。与大多数维护自由经济的斗士相比,他们更清楚、更敏锐地感觉到:黄金和自由经济是不可分割的,黄金是自由主义的武器,二者互为因果、互为依赖。

为理解计划论者愤怒的根源,首先有必要明白黄金在自由社会中的独特作用。

所有的交易都离不开钱(财富)。钱也是一种商品,但它可充当交易媒介,用以支付商品和服务,且能够被交易各方普遍接受。因此,钱被当成衡量市场价值的尺度,并被用来贮存价值,也就是储蓄。

钱这种商品的存在,是经济中劳动分工的前提。如果没有这种客观价值被普遍接受的商品充当金钱,人类将不得不依赖于物物交换,或被迫回到自给自足的小农经济,对专业分工带来的好处,也不得不放弃,因为无法预期。如果没有一种方法贮存价值,即储蓄,那么将无法进行长期计划,交换也不能进行。

一个经济体中,什么样的交易媒介能被交易各方接受,有很清楚的定义。首先,交易媒介要有持久性。在财富贫乏的远古社会,小麦即具有足够的持久性来充当交易媒介,因为所有交易都在作物收获季节完成,没有多余的价值需要贮藏。随着社会文明发展,人们更加富裕以后,价值贮存就变得十分重要,因此会选择能够长久存放的商品充当交易媒介,通常是一种金属。选择金属,是因其质地均匀、可分割:每一单位都材质相同,且可组成任意所需数量。其它入珠宝,则既不均匀,也不可分割。更重要的是,充当交易媒介的商品须是一种奢侈品。人类对于奢侈品的需求是无限的,因此,奢侈商品总有需求,也总能被接受。小麦在食不果腹的年代是奢侈品,在富裕社会中就不是。香烟通常不会被当成金钱,但在二战后的欧洲,香烟作为一种奢侈品发挥了货币的功能。“奢侈品”具有稀缺性和高的单位价值。单位价值高,就便于携带,比如,一盎司黄金可换半吨生铁。

货币经济发展的早期,可能存在多种交易媒介,因为有很多商品能满足前述条件。但是,总有一种商品会比其它商品在更大范围内被接受,而它会逐渐替代其它商品。人们对具有贮值功能商品的偏爱会向被最广泛接受的那种商品转移,这种转移过程会持续进行,直到这种商品成为唯一的交易媒介。与货币经济优于物物交换经济的原因相同,使用单一的交易媒介有巨大好处是因为:它使无限大范围内的交换成为可能。

无论这种单一媒介是黄金、白银、贝壳、家畜还是香烟都是可能的,取决于特定经济环境和发展水平。实际上,上述所有物品都充当过交易媒介。即使在本世纪,两种主要商品——黄金和白银——也曾被用作国际交易媒介,其中黄金占支配地位。黄金集艺术性与功能性于一体,同时相对稀缺,优于所有其它交易媒介。一战后,黄金成为国际交易的唯一支付标准。如果所有商品和服务都由实物黄金支付,大宗支付将变得困难,并将限制社会劳动分工和专业化的水平。因此,银行系统和信用工具(银行券和存款)的发展就合乎情理,它作为交易媒介的延伸,替代黄金,但可兑换成实物黄金。

一个建立在黄金基础上的自由银行系统,能够根据经济中的生产需求来扩展信用,创造银行券(货币)和存款。通过支付利息,黄金持有者被吸引将其黄金存入银行,并得到存款单据。由于所有存款人在同一时间提取所有黄金的可能性极小,银行家只需保留一部分黄金存款作为储备,这样,银行家就可以发放超出其黄金存款量的贷款(这表示,他宣称拥有这些黄金,而并不是把黄金作为储户存款的安全保障)。但银行家的贷款量是有限制的:必须与黄金储备成比例,还要考虑到投资的前景。

当银行向生产力高、有利可图的行业提供资助时,贷款回流迅速,银行信用可持续提供。如果资助的业务利润少、回报期长,银行家会很快发现贷款与黄金储备的比例失衡,从而缩减新的贷款,这一般通过提高利率来实现。这会限制对新业务的资助,现有借款者如果要得到新的银行信用进行商业扩张,必须首先提高盈利能力。这样,在黄金本位下,自由的银行系统成为经济稳定和均衡发展的保护者。当黄金作为交易媒介被多数或几乎所有国家接受,一个完全的、自由的国际金本位制即建立起来,它将促进全球范围的劳动分工,以及最广泛的国际贸易。即使交易单位在各国都不同(美元、英镑、法郎等),但只要它们由黄金定义,不同国家的经济就会融为一体,贸易和资本流动也将没有限制。信用、利率和价格等的模式在所有国家将趋于一致。例如,若某国的银行过于自由地扩张信贷,该国利率将下降,储户会提取其黄金存入其它国家有更高利率的银行。这会使这个“来钱容易”的国家很快陷入准备金不足的窘境,从而紧缩信贷,使利率重新回到具有竞争力的较高水平上。

完全自由的银行系统和完全的金本位制迄今尚未形成过。但在一战前,美国的银行系统(以及世界大多数地方)是基于黄金的,而且即使政府经常干预,银行业务也相对更为自由。由于过快的信贷扩张,银行贷款会周期性地达到黄金准备金规定的上限,利率大幅上升,新的信贷被缩减,经济进入急剧、但短期的衰退。(与1920和1932年的大衰退相比,一战前的商业实际只有温和的萎缩。)正是金本位阻止了商业活动的非平衡扩张,避免其发展成一战后那种类型的灾难。调整期很短,健康的经济基础会很快重建,并开始新的扩张。

但是经济愈合的过程却被误诊成病因:如果银行准备金不足会引发商业衰退——经济干预者辩称——为什么不设法提供足够的准备金,从而使短缺永远不出现呢?如果银行能无限提供贷款,商业衰退现象将被消灭。于是在1913年组建了美国联邦储备系统。它由名义上私人拥有,实际由政府发起、控制和支持的12个地区联邦储备银行组成。这些银行的信贷扩张在操作中(虽然违背法律)由联邦政府的征税权所支持(译者注:即政府发行有国家税收担保的国债,美联储印刷纸钞来吃进未被市场完全消化的国债,从而扩张信贷,简单说就是多印一点纸钞。)。在技术层面,金本位仍被保留:个人可自由拥有黄金,黄金也仍作为银行准备金。但同时,除了黄金,联储银行扩张的信用——纸质储备券paper reserves——被当作法定货币可以用来支付储户。

当美国在1927年经历一场温和的商业衰退时,美联储发行了更多的储备券,期望能避免任何可能的银行准备金不足。更具灾难性后果的是,当时的英格兰银行出于政治考虑,不顾市场压力而拒绝提高利率,导致英国的黄金不断向美国流失,而美联储为帮助英国,希望能制止这种趋势。参与决策者的考虑如下:如果美联储向美国的银行提供充足的储备券,美国的利率将下降至与英国相当的水平,这将阻止英国的黄金流失,避免被迫提升利率的政治尴尬。“联邦”储备银行胜利了,它阻止了黄金外流,但在此过程中,它却几乎摧毁了世界经济。美联储注入的额外信用涌入股票市场,引发了疯狂的投机繁荣。随后联储官员想回收过多的储备券,并最终实现了让繁荣停下来,但已为时太晚:到1929年,投机失衡已不可抑制,以至联储的做法导致了大规模抛售,并引发市场信心丧失。后果是,美国经济崩溃。英国的情况更糟,而且英国不仅不愿承受之前愚蠢做法引发的后果,还于1931年彻底废除了金本位制,将最后的信心防护网撕成粉碎,引发世界范围的银行大规模倒闭。世界经济进入1930年代大萧条。

根据对刚刚逝去年代的某些回忆,计划论者得到这种逻辑:很大程度上是金本位制导致了信用崩溃,并进而引发大萧条。他们辩称,如果不存在金本位,则英国在1931年废除黄金作为支付手段将不会引起世界范围的银行倒闭。(具有讽刺意味的是,自1913年以来,已不存在真正的金本位,而是一种“混合的金本位”,然而替罪羊却是黄金。)但是,任何形式的对金本位的抵制——主要由越来越多的福利国家的鼓吹者提出——都源于一种隐蔽得多的认识:金本位和长期的赤字支出(福利国家的特征)是不相容的。撇开难懂的学术名词,福利国家无非是这样一种机制:政府没收社会上生产力较高部门的财富,来实施各种福利计划。相当部分的没收通过税收实现,但福利计划论者很快发现,如果想保住政治权力,税收规模就必须受限制,从而不得不求助于大规模赤字支出,或者说,他们必须借钱,即通过发行政府债券来资助大规模的福利支出。

在金本位下,一个经济体所能支持的信贷数量取决于有形资产的量,因为任何形式的信贷都基于对某种有形资产的索取权。但政府债券不依赖于有形财富的支撑,仅由政府承诺用未来的税收偿还,而且很难被金融市场吸收,新增发的大量政府债券只有设定更高的利率,才能向公众售出。因此,在金本位下,政府的赤字支出受到严厉限制。废除金本位,使福利计划论者把银行系统当成无限扩张信贷的工具成为可能。他们已经通过政府债券的形式创造了纸质储备券——通过一系列复杂的步骤——并被银行接受用以替代有形的财富,好像他们就是实际的存款,或者说,是此前黄金存款的等价物。政府债券或由债券创造出来的银行存款的持有人相信,他们有对某一种资产的合法索取权。但实际情形是,索取权远远超出了实际存在的财富。由于供求规律并没有被破坏,当货币(或索取权)的供应相对有形资产增加时,价格最终会上升。以可购买的商品来衡量,社会中生产力较高的部门攒下的积蓄丧失了一部分价值。当经济最终达到均衡时,就会发现丧失的这部分价值等于政府为福利或其它目的而买走的商品价值,这部分钱来自于银行信贷扩张支持的政府债券发行过程。

金本位缺失的情况下,积蓄必将被通货膨胀所吞噬,没有安全的价值贮存手段。如果有,则政府必须宣布其所持有为非法,就像金本位情况下那样。例如,如果所有人都决定把银行存款转换成白银、铜或任何其它商品,而且逐渐不接受支票作为支付手段,银行存款将丧失购买力,政府创造的对商品具有索取权的银行信用将一文不值。福利国家的金融政策使拥有财富者的自我保护成为不可能。

这就是福利计划论者为何要长篇大论与黄金为敌的羞于告人的秘密。赤字支出不过是用来没收财富的工具。黄金成了这个过程的拦路虎,忠实地充当财产权的守护者。明白了这点,就不难理解计划论者对黄金的出离愤怒。

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